On March 24-27, 2008, the Sub-Committee
on Democratic Governance of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly’s Committee on the
Civil Dimension of Security visited Ankara and Istanbul, Turkey. The delegation was composed of 15 members of parliament from 10 different countries and was
led by the Chairman, Tchetin Kazak (Bulgaria). Canada was represented by
Senator Percy Downe, Mr. Leon Benoit, M.P., Mr. Art Hanger, M.P. and Mr. John
McKay, M.P.
TURKEY'S EU ACCESSION PROCESS
Turkey's accession process to the European Union
featured prominently in the delegation's discussions. Turkey first expressed an interest in relations with the-then European communities in 1958, and an
association agreement was signed a few years later in 1963. Turkey formally applied for membership in 1987, but proper accession negotiations did not start
until June 2006. Six chapters of the acquis communautaire - the EU's body of
legislation - were opened, and one of them was immediately completed. Shortly
thereafter, a controversy erupted following Turkey's refusal to open its ports
and airports to vessels from the-then new EU member Cyprus. As a result, the EU
decided to freeze negotiations on six related chapters. Most recently, French
President Sarkozy publicly declared that the opening of chapters of the acquis
dealing directly with membership-related issues should be postponed until a
group of wise men is appointed to consider the long-term issue of the EU's
final borders. Following President Sarkozy's proposals, the EU Council decided
to appoint a wise men's group on the borders of the EU in December 2007 and
agreed on a new initiative for the Mediterranean in March 2008.
Parliament and government officials reaffirmed Turkey's unwavering commitment to EU integration, emphasising that there is no question about Turkey's European vocation. Turkey will therefore continue with the reform process, which
officials emphasised is necessary for Turkey regardless of the pace of EU
negotiations.
Michael Vögele from the EU Commission delegation in Turkey confirmed that, while negotiations were frozen on six chapters, technical
co-operation continued on other matters according to the agreed negotiating
framework. President Sarkozy's suggestion to freeze other chapters had not so
far been endorsed by the EU Council, and therefore had no binding value for the
Commission. Nevertheless, Mr. Vögele regretted that little progress had been
made in 2007 due to the political crisis in Turkey in the context of the
election of Abdullah Gül to the presidency. He hoped that now that the crisis
had been successfully resolved, work could re-start on the areas that the EU
has identified as problematic.
Mr. Vögele also mentioned the outstanding problems
relating to the freedom of assembly and association, the status of religious
minorities, economic and social rights, women and children's rights, and
torture and ill treatment, while acknowledging the progress made on all these
issues. Answering questions from the delegation, he clarified that the
recognition of the so-called Armenian genocide was not a requirement for EU
membership. Additionally, the EU understood the sensitivities of the Kurdish
issue and, although it was monitoring the situation, it also recognised that a
solution needed to be found domestically.
TURKEY'S REGIONAL ROLE
The delegation also learned about Turkey's relations with its neighbours to the East and to the South. The end of the Cold War opened
new opportunities for Turkey in the region. As a consequence, it has had to
redefine its relations with Russia and with countries in the South Caucasus and
Central Asia.
Officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs pointed
out that Turkey and Russia have a long and tumultuous, common history.
Relations developed very fast in the 1990s, driven in particular by a boom in
economic and trade links between the two countries. Following a series of
milestone events, including the first visit of a Russian president to Turkey in modern history in 2004, the two countries have established an "enhanced
multidimensional partnership". Elements of this relationship include: 28
billion US dollars of bilateral trade in 2007; over 6 billion US dollars of
direct Turkish investments in Russia; 2.5 million Russian tourists travelling
to Turkey in 2007; major energy links between the two countries - Turkey
depends on Russia for 60% of its gas supplies and 29% of its oil supplies;
annual bilateral diplomatic consultations on a broad range of topics; a 2001
joint action plan for co-operation in Eurasia; and participations in regional
organisations in the Black Sea region - BSEC, BLACKSEAFOR / Black Sea Harmony;
and cultural exchanges.
Turkey's foreign policy in the South Caucasus and Central Asia aims at the establishment of stable and democratic countries, and the promotion
of economic development and energy links. Additionally, Turkey has been wary of any territorial changes and played the role of a status quo power. In the
South Caucasus, Turkey has constantly supported the principle of territorial
integrity and the peaceful resolution of conflicts through existing negotiating
frameworks. Relations with Armenia remain tense however, and the two countries
are still looking for a win-win solution.
Following the end of the Cold War, Turkey nurtured the dream of renewing historical ties with Turkic countries in the South Caucasus
and Central Asia. This dream however only partially came true, as the newly
independent states in the post-Soviet space were preoccupied primarily with
consolidating their statehood and national identity, and were therefore wary of
any attempt by their neighbours to act as "big brothers". Academics
argued that Turkey's influence in Azerbaijan and Central Asia today is mostly
cultural and economic, with a strong presence of Turkish businesses in the region.
One expert emphasised that to consolidate its role in those countries, Turkey needs to move beyond mere dreams, and adopt a realistic approach, which takes into account
the influence of other key players in the region, particularly Russia, China and the United States.
Both officials and independent experts emphasised that Turkey's geostrategic position as a bridge to Eurasia and the Middle East should be regarded as a
major asset for the EU. Turkey considers its relations with Europe on the one
hand and with its neighbours to the East and to the South on the other, as
complementary and mutually reinforcing; several speakers made it clear that
Turkey understands that developing relations with its neighbours will make
Turkey more attractive to the EU, and vice versa, enhancing relations with the
EU will make Turkey more attractive to its neighbours.
TURKEY'S ENERGY POLICY
One of the priorities of Turkey's energy policy is the diversification of energy supplies and routes. In this regard, Hilmi Güler, Turkey's Minister of Energy, emphasised Turkey's ambition to become a major
energy hub and presented plans to develop existing East-West and North-South
corridors. Other priorities of Turkey's energy policy include: a
diversification of the energy mix - including greater emphasis on renewable and
nuclear energy; liberalisation of the energy market; research and development;
and enhancing the physical security of energy infrastructures.
TIME TO REFORM TURKEY'S SECULARIST MODEL?
The visit came at a challenging moment in Turkey's political life, amidst evidence of an ongoing struggle between supporters of the
ruling AKP party and secularist forces. This included tensions surrounding the
election of Abdullah Gül to the presidency in 2007, opposed in particular by the
military which warned against the Islamisation of Turkey; the controversy
connected with a decision to lift the ban on headscarves in universities; and a
petition to the Constitutional Court to ban the AKP and bar its main leaders
from political activities.
Ali Bardakoglu, Head of the Directorate for Religious
Affairs, presented some additional features of Turkey's model of secularism. He
explained that the directorate acts as an "information bridge" to
better explain to the population the sources of Islam. The directorate oversees
the 80,000 mosques in the country and supervises the 80,000 religious officers
employed by the state as civil servants, ensuring that religious life is
conducted "in an organised and efficient way, satisfying the communities' needs".
Although the directorate is not responsible for non-Muslim communities, it
maintains excellent relations with the leaders of other faiths. A priority area
for its work is the training of religious officers, regarding such issues as
human rights protection, prevention of gender discrimination, environmental
protection, etc. Another priority is to avoid any misuse of Islam by
terrorists. The dominant version of Islam in Turkey is indeed characterised by
tolerance, resistance to extremism, and compatibility with secularism.
THE "KURDISH ISSUE"
Another major domestic challenge relates to the
situation of Turkey's Kurdish population. Mr. Candar argued that this was in
fact the number one issue in Turkey. However, it is extremely sensitive; in
fact, the existence of a "Kurdish issue" as such has never been
officially acknowledged in Turkey and appears only latently in public
discussions. Rather, the focus has been on promoting economic development in Turkey's Southeast and on fighting PKK terrorism. In contrast, Mr. Candar argued that
terrorism is only a by-product of the Kurdish question, and resolving this
question would isolate the PKK and undermine its support base.
He explained that Kurds were well represented in the
institutions, the civil service, and business. There are for instance some 95
members of parliament - including 75 elected under the AKP banner, and five or
six ministers, of Kurdish descent. However, tensions appear whenever
individuals or groups use their Kurdish identity as a basis for collective
claims.
According to Mr. Candar, the creation of an autonomous
Kurdish region in Iraq, while it could not serve as a direct model for Turkey, should prompt the current government to consider ways to address the political claims of Turkey's Kurdish population. One way would be to engage with the Iraqi province of Kurdistan. Such a gesture would send a positive message to Turkey's Kurdish population, amounting to a de facto acknowledgement of the Kurdish identity. Mr.
Candar also suggested that, having received a strong mandate from the
population in the 2007 elections, the government should deliver on its promise
of a democratic and civilian constitution, and, in this context, promote a new
definition of citizenship. While federalism is not an option for Turkey, the government should also consider measures granting greater self-government
powers at the municipal level. Mr. Candar was confident that Turkey's EU accession process would help Turkey address the status of its Kurdish population.
Asked about the current state of discussions on a new
constitution, Mr. Aydin explained that several drafts were being discussed.
Initial steps have raised fears that the ruling party would present a new
constitution without consulting other stakeholders. The official draft,
commissioned by the AKP from a committee of lawyers, has not yet been made
public. To ensure that a broad public debate takes place, a group of some 200
civil society organisations have come together to discuss the principles on
which a new constitution should be based. This NGO consortium is now engaged in
talks with the government, parliament and political parties.
FIGHTING AGAINST TERRORISM
Government officials confirmed that the fight against
terrorism is one of Turkey's main priorities at home and abroad. Turkey considers that terrorism should be considered as a human rights violation, as well
as a crime against humanity. It has developed a comprehensive national
counter-terrorism policy, which does not focus exclusively on security, but also
takes into account other economic, social, diplomatic and financial dimensions.
Implementation of this policy involves various government departments,
including the Turkish armed forces, which play a central role in policing
border areas.